{"id":3760,"date":"2008-11-14T07:00:00","date_gmt":"2008-11-14T07:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/2008\/11\/sydney-language-mb-m-and-dingo\/"},"modified":"2012-08-29T21:25:28","modified_gmt":"2012-08-29T10:25:28","slug":"sydney-language-mb-m-and-dingo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/2008\/11\/sydney-language-mb-m-and-dingo\/","title":{"rendered":"Sydney Language –mb<\/i>– ~ –m<\/i>– and dingo<\/i>"},"content":{"rendered":"

Update<\/strong>: The contents of this post have been incorporated in the paper ‘Dawes\u2019 Law generalised: cluster simplification in the coastal dialect of the Sydney Language’, published in 2011 in Indigenous languages and social identity: Papers in honour of Michael Walsh<\/em>. Pacific Linguistics 626<\/span><\/a>, pp.159-178.<\/span><\/p>\n

Aspects of the Sydney Language are a perennial fascination. Last month recent events prompted me to look into the etymology of boomerang<\/em><\/a>. In recent weeks the gripping SBS documentary First Australians<\/em><\/a> first episode<\/a> (available as a 227MB MPEG4<\/a>) took us to the early days of Sydney.\u00a0 And now I’ve noticed what I think is an unreported sound correspondence, as I’ve become more familiar with sources on the Sydney Language.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

We can start with the correspondence that Lt William Dawes<\/a> noted between dialects we
\ncan call coastal and inland, in the course of a 1791 expedition inland.\u00a0 Dawes’ notebook has a comparative table of six pairs of roots clearly showing a correspondence between intervocalic –nd<\/em>– in inland Burubirangal with –n-<\/em> in coastal Iyura.
\n(The table is reproduced by Steele 2005:156, and Wilkins &
\nNash 2008:489-91). Dawes (c1790b) had also explicitly noticed an assimilation rule in the coastal dialect (Iyura), which can be restated thus: across a morpheme boundary potential nasal+d<\/em>
\nclusters do not surface but the d<\/em> in this context is realised as n<\/em>. Wilkins noticed that the observation could be generalised:<\/p>\n

In the coastal dialect, there is a morphophonological rule
\nwhich changed the initial stop consonant of a suffix to the homorganic nasal
\nwhen that suffix was attached to a stem ending in a nasal. (Wilkins & Nash 2008:488)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Bilabial clusters<\/h3>\n

The rule changing the initial consonant of suffixes was also noted by Troy (1994) with respect to bilabials:<\/p>\n

Analysis of the verbal morphology of the language provides further
\nevidence for the transformation of b<\/em> to m<\/em> following n<\/em>.
\n(Troy 1994:27)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

So I wondered about intervocalic bilabial nasal-stop clusters inside stems, not just ones that might arise from suffixation. The following table is an extract of all Sydney Language words written with an mb<\/strong> in Troy’s (1994) ‘reference spelling’, together with each source form
\nannotated with source abbreviation. The table columns are in two groups: words with mb<\/strong> in the left half, and any corresponding words with a corresponding m<\/strong> in the right half.<\/p>\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
#<\/td>\ngloss<\/td>\nTroy 1994<\/td>\nsource<\/td>\nTroy 1994<\/td>\nsource<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
1<\/td>\nsacred kingfisher<\/td>\ndjirramba<\/strong><\/td>\njirramba (M)<\/td>\ndyaramak<\/strong><\/td>\ndere-a-mak (HSB)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
2<\/td>\nbat<\/td>\nwirambi<\/strong><\/td>\nweeramby (C), werrimbi ‘flying fox’ (WR)<\/td>\n[wirami<\/strong>]<\/td>\nweeream-my (An)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
fox rat\u2013large fox rat<\/td>\nwiriyambi<\/strong><\/td>\nwee-ree-am-by (C)<\/td>\nwiriyamin<\/strong><\/td>\nwee-ree-a-min (C)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
3<\/td>\nwombat<\/td>\nwumbat<\/strong><\/td>\nwom-bat (C), wombat (Fl), womback (Fl), wombat (R)<\/td>\n\u00a0[wumat<\/strong>]<\/td>\nwomat (Fl)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
4<\/td>\nbrother-in-law<\/td>\ndjambi<\/strong><\/td>\njambi (R)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
sister-in-law<\/td>\ndjambing<\/strong><\/td>\njambi\u014b (R)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
5<\/td>\ncattle\u2013horned cattle<\/td>\ngambaguluk<\/strong><\/td>\nkumbakuluk (R)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
6<\/td>\nstars<\/td>\ngimbawali<\/strong><\/td>\nkimperwali (M), kimberwalli (R)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
7<\/td>\nshout<\/td>\ngumba<\/strong><\/td>\nkumba (R)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
8<\/td>\nsprat<\/td>\ngumbara<\/strong><\/td>\nkumbara (M)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
9<\/td>\ndeaf<\/td>\ngumbarubalung<\/strong><\/td>\nkumbarobalong (M)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
10<\/td>\ngeebung (plant)<\/td>\nmambara<\/strong><\/td>\nmambara (M)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
11<\/td>\nquail<\/td>\nmuwambi<\/strong><\/td>\nmoumbi (M)<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Sources: (An) Anon. c1790, (C) Collins 1798, (Fl) Flinders 1814, (HSB) Hunter 1988, (M) Mathews 1903, (R) Rowley in Ridley, (WR) Russell 1914.<\/p>\n

The records in the middle column, showing –mb<\/strong>-, are all from
\ninland varieties as recorded by (M), (R) and (WR), whereas the examples
\nwith corresponding –m<\/strong>– in the right columns are from Sydney Cove
\nand the coastal variety (allowing for Collins having recorded words
\nfrom both varieties).\u00a0 The blanks in the right columns show there
\nis no recorded –m<\/strong>– equivalent of the –mb<\/strong>– words in those
\nrows, and all those –mb<\/strong>– words are from the definitely inland
\nsources (M) and (R).<\/p>\n

Steele (2005:157) has also noted that “-mb<\/em> is a
\nnon-permissible BB combination” (where BB is Biyal-Biyal, Steele’s preferred name for the
\ncoastal variety), but did not state what happens to etymological mb<\/em>.
\nNote that in row 2 Collins’ ‘fox rat’ should probably be read as
\n‘fox bat’, a suggestion that has also been made by Steele (2005).<\/p>\n

David Wilkins has noticed a possible instance of the correspondence –mb<\/em>– ~ –m<\/em>-, but between the Lake Macquarie Language (Awabakal) and Iyura. Lissarrague’s (2006:113) reconstitution kampal<\/strong> ‘brother (younger)’, based on Kum-bul<\/em> (Threlkeld 1834:87), Kumb\u0227l<\/em> (Threlkeld 1892<\/a>:54) and kambal<\/em> (Horatio Hale), may well correspond with Dawes’ (c1790b) g\u00f3m\u016fl<\/em> ‘A degree of relationship’. Troy (1994:39) reconstitutes this word as gumul<\/strong> but there is only one attestation and phonetically gamal<\/strong> is also possible.<\/p>\n

All in all, it appears that intervocalic –mb<\/em>– in inland varieties of the Sydney Language corresponds with intervocalic –m<\/em>– in the coastal variety (Iyura) of the Sydney Language.<\/p>\n

A Pama-Nyungan retention?<\/h3>\n

If the above evidence has established the –mb<\/em>– ~ –m<\/em>–
\ncorrespondence, then we can see Dawes’ (c1790b) unique record of k\u0101ma<\/em>
\n‘to dig’ as a potential reflex of proto-Pama-Nyungan *ka:mpa-<\/strong>
\n\u2018cook in earth oven\u2019 vtr (Alpher 2004:431).\u00a0 This is known to descend as
\n\u2018cover, bury\u2019 in some languages of Cape York Peninsula and central
\nQueensland, but Alpher (2004) has no reflexes in southeast
\nAustralia.\u00a0 Without another reflex of *ka:mpa-<\/strong> in the subgroup, there’s a likelihood
\nthat k\u0101ma<\/em> is a chance correspondence \u2014 so I would naturally
\nlike to hear of a potential southeast Australian reflex of
\n*ka:mpa-<\/strong> (with suitable meaning). [Note: The other sound
\nequivalences needed in this comparison are supported by pPN *kuna<\/strong> \u2018excrement\u2019 (Alpher 2004:439-40) descending as Sydney kuni<\/em> (M), gonin<\/em> (guni<\/em> ‘excrement’ –in<\/em> ‘from’) (Tench) ‘excrement’.]<\/p>\n

Velar clusters<\/h3>\n

Now, having covered alveolar and bilabial, what about other places of
\narticulation, you ask.\u00a0 Well, David Wilkins (p.c.) has made the
\ngeneralisation that Iyura (the coastal variety) probably lacked any<\/em>
\nhomorganic consonant clusters. On any potential correspondence between palatals –\u00f1dj<\/em>– and –\u00f1<\/em>–
\nthere is a dearth of evidence; suffice to say there is no evidence of
\npalatal nasal-stop clusters in Iyura.\u00a0 For velars the data present
\na messy picture, given the ambiguity of early spellings with intervocalic ‘ng<\/em>‘.\u00a0 The scraps of data include the form of the ‘dingo’ word, and a couple of others which I consider first.<\/p>\n

The early source Anon. (c1790) (Troy’s (1994) source (c)), which can
\nusually be taken to represent the coastal variety, has at least two
\nwords with a fairly definite indication of a nasal-stop cluster:<\/p>\n

‘banksia Banksia ericifolia<\/em>‘ wadanggari<\/strong> wa-tang-gre<\/em> (c)<\/p>\n

‘cabbage tree Livistona australis<\/em>‘ daranggara<\/strong> ta-rang-ge-ra<\/em>
\n(c) (from Troy 1994)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

These words would suggest that intervocalic \u014bg<\/em> is allowed in
\nthe coastal variety \u2014 but these could actually be representations of
\nheterorganic ng<\/em>, or could be inland words.\u00a0 Furthermore, as David Wilkins has kindly pointed out to me, Dawes (c1790b) listed wadangal<\/strong> w\u0227ta\u014b\u00e1l<\/em> among ‘names of flowers bearing honey \u2026’ (Troy 1994:61-2) which clearly has a simple nasal not a cluster, and may well be the coastal equivalent of this banksia word.<\/p>\n

For completeness: there is just one possible set showing a related but different variation: the
\ncorrespondence –\u014bg<\/em>– ~ –g<\/em>– (not –\u014bg<\/em>– ~ –\u014b<\/em>-):<\/p>\n

‘swamp wallaby, Wallabia bicolor<\/em>‘\u00a0 banggaray<\/strong>
\nbag-ga-ray<\/em> (c), bag-gar-ray<\/em> (C), baggaray<\/em> (P),
\nban-ga-ray<\/em> (A), bag-ga-ree<\/em> (W), guraya<\/strong> gorea<\/em>
\n(R) (from Troy 1994)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

but again the one variant with nasal, ban-ga-ray<\/em>, might be a representation of heterorganic ng<\/strong>, that is, the reference spelling perhaps should be bangaray<\/strong> not ba\u014bgaray<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Dingo<\/h3>\n

The original phonetics of the word ‘dingo’ (the Australian dog) has long been somewhat of
\na puzzle; unfortunately it does not occur in the best source, Dawes’ notebooks.\u00a0 The source variation (based on Troy 1994) can be set out according to what the spelling implies about
\nthe medial consonant(s):<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
–\u014bg<\/em>– or –ng<\/em>– or –\u00f1g<\/em>–<\/th>\nindeterminate: –\u014bg<\/em>– or –\u014b<\/em>–<\/p>\n

or –ng<\/em>– or –\u00f1g<\/em>–<\/th>\n

–\u014b<\/em>–<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
tein-go<\/em> (C)<\/td>\ndingo<\/em> (T), tingo<\/em> (A) (F)<\/td>\ntung-o<\/em> (An)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
din-go<\/em> (C)<\/td>\njungo<\/em> (Pa)<\/td>\ntung-oro<\/em> ‘dogs’ (An)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Tun-go-Wo-re-gal<\/em>\u2020
\n(An)<\/td>\n		j\u016bngh\u014d<\/em> or dingo<\/em> (R)<\/td>\njung-o<\/em> (C)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

\u2020 This entry is an interpolation in the manuscript; it includes wuragal<\/strong> wor-re-gal<\/em> (C), waregal<\/em> ‘large dog’ (A), and is inserted above Tung-o ‘a dog’<\/p>\n

Sources: (A) Collins, Phillip and Hunter (King 1968:270-274), (An) Anon. c1790, (C)
\nCollins 1798, (F) Fowell (1988:93), (Pa) Paine (1983:41-42), (R) Rowley
\nin Ridley, (T) Tench (1979:49[83]).
\nCoastal: (F), (T), (A), (Pa) and usually (An); Inland (R); both: (C).<\/p>\n

The simplest account of the variation in the above records is that
\nthere were two pronunciations di\u014bu<\/em> (coastal) and di\u014bgu<\/em>
\n(inland), fitting the earlier discussion of correspondences implying parallel variation in homorganic nasal-stop clusters at the other places of articulation.\u00a0 The possibility of
\na heterorganic cluster ng<\/em> or \u00f1g<\/em> cannot be ruled out, but it is not able to account for the spellings implying simple \u014b<\/em> (the right hand column above).\u00a0 [Note: I propose the reconstituted
\nforms di\u014bu<\/em> and di\u014bgu<\/em> just with respect to the medial consonant(s): the initial consonant may well be a laminal stop and the first vowel might be u<\/em>, but these are matters for
\nanother discussion.]<\/p>\n

As far as I know a corresponding form is found outside the Sydney region only to the north, in Awabakal, the Lake Macquarie Language, for which Threlkeld’s 1834 An Australian Grammar<\/em><\/a> lists<\/p>\n

Tin-ku<\/em>, a she dog. (p.10)
\nTing-ko, A bitch (p.92)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Both these spellings represent a nasal-stop cluster, but according to Amanda Lissarrague’s (2006) analysis<\/a> it appears that from the available Awabakal data we cannot distinguish heterorganic nk<\/em> or \u00f1k<\/em> from homorganic \u014bk<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Here is what others have postulated as to the form of the origin of dingo<\/em>.\u00a0 The 1988 Australian National Dictionary<\/em> (AND)<\/a> [a. Dharuk di\u014bgu<\/em>] and the 1991 Macquarie Dictionary<\/em> (2nd ed.) [Dharuk dinggu<\/em>] proposed a homorganic cluster. Then Dixon in Australian Aboriginal words in English<\/em> proposed the possible heterorganic clusters:<\/p>\n

[Dharuk, Sydney region din-gu<\/em> or dayn-gu<\/em> \u2026] (1st edition, 1990<\/a> page
\n65)<\/p>\n

[Dharuk, Sydney region probably din-gu<\/em> (or possibly dayn-gu<\/em>) \u2026] (2nd edition, 2006<\/a>
\npage 54)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

and more recently has settled on just din-gu<\/em> (Dixon 2008<\/a>:134). Troy (1994:51) proposed dingu<\/em>, repeated in her chapter in Macquarie Aboriginal Words<\/em><\/a> (1994:69); this could mean heterorganic dingu<\/em> or simple di\u014bu<\/em>; it is not to be read as di\u014bgu<\/em> otherwise her spelling would be ‘dinggu’.<\/p>\n

My current best proposal is this: (1) the First Fleeters encountered coastal di\u014bu<\/em> in the first months of the colony and some did their best to represent the intervocalic nasal in what they wrote down; (2) a few years later the colonists encountered inland di\u014bgu<\/em>; (3) English phonotactics and English spelling conventions favoured what happened to be the inland pronunciation, the variant with \u014bg<\/em>, and this became the universal English pronunciation.<\/p>\n

I am grateful to David Wilkins for ongoing helpful discussion about the Sydney Language.<\/em><\/p>\n

Sources<\/h3>\n

Alpher, Barry. 2004. Proto-Pama-Nyungan etyma.
\nAppendix 5.1, pp.387-570 on CD-ROM
\naccompanying Australian languages: classification and the
\ncomparative method<\/em>, ed. by C. Bowern and H. Koch.
\nAmsterdam, John Benjamins.<\/p>\n

Anonymous. c1790.\u00a0 Vocabulary of the language
\nof N.S. Wales, in the neighbourhood of Sydney. (Native and English, but not alphabetical).
\nMarsden 41645(c), SOAS Library.<\/p>\n

Collins, David. 1798. Appendix XII \u2014 Language, in An account of the English colony in New South Wales : with remarks on the dispositions, customs, manners &c. of the native inhabitants.<\/em> London : Cadell and Davies. e-text<\/a><\/p>\n

Dawes, William. c1790b. Vocabulary of the language of N.S. Wales, in the neighbourhood of Sydney, Native and English, by — Dawes. Marsden 41645(b), SOAS Library.<\/p>\n

Flinders, Matthew. 1814. A Voyage to Terra Australis.<\/em><\/a> London: G. and W.
\nNicol. Facsimile reprint<\/a><\/p>\n

Fowell, Newton. 1988 [1788]. The Sirius letters.<\/em><\/a> The complete
\nletters of Newton Fowell, Midshipman and Lieutenant aboard the Sirius
\nflagship of the First Fleet on its voyage to New South Wales<\/em>,
\nedited by Nance Irvine. Sydney: The Fairfax Library.<\/p>\n

Hunter, John. 1989. The Hunter sketchbook.<\/em><\/a> General editor, John Calaby. Canberra:
\nNational Library of Australia.<\/p>\n

King, Philip Gidley. 1968 [1793]. Lieutenant King’s journal, pp.196-298 in An historical journal of events at Sydney and at sea 1787-1792<\/em>, by Captain
\nJohn Hunter, Commander H.M.S Sirius; with further accounts by Governor
\nArthur Philip, Lieutenant P.G. King and Lieutenant H.L. Ball. New
\nedition edited by John Bach. Sydney: Angus and Robertson.<\/p>\n

Lissarrague, Amanda. 2006. A salvage grammar and wordlist of the language from the Hunter River and Lake Macquarie<\/em><\/a>. Nambucca Heads, NSW: Muurrbay Language and Culture Centre.<\/p>\n

Mathews, Robert H., 1901, \u2018The Dharruk language and
\nvocabulary\u2019, [a section in] The Thurrawal Language. Journal
\nof the Royal Society of NSW<\/em> 35:155\u2013160.<\/p>\n

Paine, Daniel. 1983. The journal of Daniel Paine
\n1794-1797, together with documents illustrating the beginnings of government
\nboat-building and timber-gathering in New South Wales, 1795-1805<\/em>,
\nedited by R.J.B. Knight and Alan Frost. Sydney: Library of
\nAustralian History.<\/p>\n

Ridley, William, transmitting John Rowley. Language
\nof the Aborigines of Georges River, Cowpasture and Appin. The Journal of the
\nAnthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland<\/em> 7 (1878)<\/a>,
\n258-62.<\/p>\n

Russell, William “Werriberrie”. 1991 [1914]. My
\nrecollections.<\/em> Camden, NSW: The Oaks Historical Society for the Wollondilly Heritage
\nCentre.<\/p>\n

Steele, Jeremy Macdonald. 2005. The Aboriginal
\nlanguage of Sydney : a partial reconstruction of the indigenous language of Sydney based on
\nthe note books of William Dawes of 1790-91, informed by other records
\nof the Sydney and surrounding languages to c.1905.<\/em> Thesis (Master
\nof Arts (Research), Division of Society, Culture, Media &
\nPhilosophy, Warawara – Department of Indigenous Studies, Macquarie
\nUniversity, Sydney. Available from Macquarie University ResearchOnline.<\/a> With CD-ROM \u2018Bayala Databases\u2019.<\/p>\n

Tench, Watkin, L. F. Fitzhardinge, et al. 1979
\n[1961] [1793]. Sydney\u2019s first four years : being a reprint of A narrative of the expedition to Botany Bay<\/em> and A complete account of the settlement at Port Jackson<\/em>. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, in association with the Royal Australian Historical Society.
\nElectronic book, eBooks@Adelaide<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Troy, Jakelin. 1994. The Sydney Language<\/em><\/a>.
\nProduced with the assistance of the Australian
\nDictionaries Project and the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and
\nTorres Strait Islander Studies.<\/p>\n

Wilkins, David P. and David Nash. 2008. The European
\n\u2018discovery\u2019 of a multilingual Australia: the linguistic and
\nethnographic successes of a failed expedition, pp.485\u2013507, Chapter 18,
\nin The history of research on Australian Aboriginal languages<\/em>, edited by William McGregor. Pacific Linguistics 591<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Update: The contents of this post have been incorporated in the paper ‘Dawes\u2019 Law generalised: cluster simplification in the coastal dialect of the Sydney Language’, published in 2011 in Indigenous languages and social identity: Papers in honour of Michael Walsh. Pacific Linguistics 626, pp.159-178. Aspects of the Sydney Language are a perennial fascination. Last month … Read more<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":false,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[11],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3760","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-australian-linguistics"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3760","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3760"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3760\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7098,"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3760\/revisions\/7098"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3760"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3760"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.paradisec.org.au\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3760"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}